Why democracy in Myanmar demands an Article 33 Resolution — not technical cooperation

19 May 2025

At the upcoming International Labour Conference (ILC) in June 2025, a resolution is expected to be adopted that would impose targeted sanctions against Myanmar’s military authorities for their continued and systematic violations of fundamental labour rights. The ITUC-Asia Pacific strongly supports this resolution. Yet, we recognise that some governments may oppose it, similar to the resistance seen in 2000 when the International Labour Organization (ILO) adopted the Article 33 resolution concerning Myanmar’s violations of the Forced Labour Convention (No. 29).

At that time, 16 governments voted against the resolution, including 13 from Asia — Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Myanmar, Pakistan, the Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, and Vietnam. The primary reason cited for their opposition was their preference for an “engagement approach” based on dialogue and technical cooperation, rather than a “punitive approach” that they believed would isolate Myanmar.

Today, we acknowledge that some of these same concerns may resurface. However, this statement seeks to clarify why the current resolution is fundamentally different and why it must be supported — even from a constructive engagement perspective. We present three key arguments in support of this position:

1. This resolution has undergone the full ILO supervisory process, including tripartite mechanisms.

As with all ILO decisions, the current resolution, the current resolution has undergone careful discussions and passed through the ILO’s established and legitimate supervisory mechanisms — procedures designed to ensure fairness, objectivity, and consensus. These mechanisms include the following:

• ‍Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations (CEACR): In 2021, this body reviewed Myanmar's compliance with ILO Convention No. 87 based on the report of the ITUC and found severe and ongoing violations (see CEACR comments).
• Committee on the Application of Standards (CAS) at the ILC in 2022 further examined Myanmar’s failures under ILO conventions (see CAS comments).
• Committee on Freedom of Association (CFA), in three separate sittings — June 2021, March 2022, and June 2024 — expressed deep concern over the suppression of trade unions and persecution of workers and their representatives (see FOA Cases).
• Commission of Inquiry, the ILO’s highest-level investigative mechanism, was formally established under Article 26 of the ILO Constitution and found Myanmar's military authorities in serious breach of international labour standards (see Towards Freedom and Dignity in Myanmar).
• ILO Governing Body in March 2025: The ILO Governing Body recommended that a resolution be adopted at the 2025 ILC (see Article 24/26 cases).

The process leading to the proposed resolution has been transparent, and inclusive. It reflects not the imposition of one group over another, but the consensus of a system rooted in social dialogue. Unlike the CEACR, bodies such as the CAS, the CFA, and the Governing Body involve all three ILO constituents — governments, workers, and employers —  ensuring democratic legitimacy.

2. The situation in Myanmar is not merely a violation of ILO Conventions — it is a grave human rights crisis.

The situation in Myanmar today goes beyond standard non-compliance to ILOConventions. It is not solely about violations of Convention No. 87 (Freedom ofAssociation) or Convention No. 29 (Forced Labour). It is about systemic andviolent repression of workers, trade unions, and civil society by anillegitimate military regime.

Since the coup in February 2021, the military junta has:

• Banned independent trade unions;
• Arrested and tortured union leaders and members;
• Used forced labour to support military operations;
• Suppressed peaceful protests with lethal force; and
• Driven thousands of workers into exile or hiding.

These acts constitute serious violations of international human rights and are incompatible with the values and principles of the ILO.

The continued persecution of trade unionists —  such as the arrest, detention, and even killing of union leaders —  makes genuine social dialogue or technical cooperation impossible. Supporting this resolution is not punitive; it is a moral imperative and an act of international solidarity with the people of Myanmar.

3. This resolution targets the military authorities —  not the state of Myanmar.

Opponents of the resolution may draw parallels to the Article 33 measures against Myanmar in 2000 or Belarus in 2023, arguing that such measures harm national interests or isolate the country. However, such arguments overlooks a critical distinction.

The current proposed resolution does not target the state or the people of Myanmar. It explicitly and specifically focuses on the military authorities who unlawfully seized power and dismantled democratic institutions and worker protections.

Neither the United Nations General Assembly nor the ILO recognises the military junta as the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people. This resolution is aligned with international practice and precedent. It does not seek regime change —   it upholds international laws and the rights of workers.

It is also important to stress that the National Unity Government (NUG) —  formed by elected lawmakers and widely recognised by civil society and the Confederation of Trade Unions Myanmar CTUM, an ITUC affiliate in Myanmar —  is actively engaging with international organisations and supports this resolution. Equating such support for the resolution with interference in internal affairs is disingenuous; rather, it is a necessary and principled response to a regime that has waged war on its own people.

In light of the above, we urge all ILO member states, particularly those in Asia and the Pacific, to reflect on the true intent and content of this resolution. Supporting it is not an act of punishment, but one of principled engagement —  engagement that recognises the reality on the ground and affirms the ILO’s duty to defend the rights of workers everywhere.

Let us be clear:

• The resolution has passed all appropriate supervisory procedures.
• The situation in Myanmar involves grave human rights violations, not merely labour rights infractions.
• The resolution targets the perpetrators of these abuses - the Myanmar military authorities —  not the state or the people of Myanmar.

We call on all governments, employers, and workers to take a principled stand. Supporting the resolution at the 2025 ILC is not only an institutional responsibility —  it is a test of our shared commitment to upholding the founding values of the ILO universal and lasting peace and social justice. Let us stand on the right side of history and act in solidarity with the people of Myanmar.

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